Frases de Ulysses S. Grant

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Ulysses S. Grant

Data de nascimento: 27. Abril 1822
Data de falecimento: 23. Julho 1885

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Ulysses S. Grant foi o 18.º Presidente dos Estados Unidos da América . Como General Comandante, Grant esteve ao lado do Presidente Abraham Lincoln liderando o Exército da União na vitória contra a Confederação durante a Guerra de Secessão. Implementou a chamada Reconstrução dos Estados Unidos, muitas vezes em desacordo com o sucessor de Lincoln, Andrew Johnson. Eleito por duas vezes presidente, Grant levou os Republicanos a apagar os vestígios do nacionalismo confederado e da escravatura, protegeu os cidadãos afro-americanos, e deu apoio à prosperidade económica por toda a nação. A sua presidência repetidamente alvo de críticas por tolerar a corrupção, e o seu segundo mandato como presidente levou o país a uma grave depressão económica.

Grant formou-se em 1843 na Academia Militar dos Estados Unidos em West Point, e prestou serviço na Guerra Mexicano-Americana, retirando-se em 1854. Durante a sua vida civil, passou por dificuldades financeiras. Quando a Guerra Civil começou em 1861, juntou-se, de novo, ao Exército dos Estados Unidos. Em 1862, Grant ficou responsável pelo Kentucky e grande parte do Tennessee, e levou a as forças da União à vitória na Batalha de Shiloh, ganhando a reputação de comandante agressivo. Durante o conflito, incorporou escravos afro-americanos no esforço da guerra. Em Julho de 1863, depois de várias batalhas, Grant derrotou os exércitos Confederados e cercou Vicksburg, dando o controlo do rio Mississípi à União ao dividir a Confederação em dois. Depois das suas vitórias durante a Campanha de Chattanooga, Lincoln promoveu-o a tenente-general, e a Comandante General dos Estados Unidos em Março de 1864. Grant ficou frente-a-frente com Robert E. Lee em várias batalhas sangrentas, cercando o exército deste na defesa de Richmond. Grant coordenou uma série de campanhas devastadoras em outros locais. Em Abril de 1865, Lee rendeu-se a Grant na Batalha de Appomattox, pondo termo à guerra. A maioria dos historiadores elogiam o génio militar de Grant, e as suas estratégias fazem parte dos livros sobre estratégia militar, mas alguns acham que ele obtinha as suas vitórias por via da força bruta e não de uma estratégia superior.

Despois da Guerra Civil, Grant liderou o a supervisão do exército da Reconstrução nos ex-estados Confederados. Eleito presidente em 1868, e reeleito em 1872, Grant conseguiu estabilizar o estado da nação durante os agitados anos da Reconstrução, processou o Ku Klux Klan e reforçou as leis dos direitos civis e de votos com o apoio do exército e do Departamento de Justiça dos Estados Unidos. Com a ajuda do exército, construiu o Partido Republicano no Sul, com base nos cidadãso votantes negros, migrantes do Norte e apoiantes brancos Sulistas . Depois da privação de direitos de alguns ex-Confederados, os republicanos obtiveram maiorias e os afro-americanos foram eleitos para o Congresso e altos gabinetes de estado. No seu segundo mandato, as coligações republicanas do Sul dividiram-se e foram derrotadas uma a uma à medida que os redeemers retomavam o controlo pela violência. A política de relações pacíficas com os índios implementada por Grant, resultou numa redução inicial da violência nas fronteiras, mas ficou marcada pela Grande Guerra com os Sioux em 1876, na qual George Custer e o seu regimento foram mortos na Batalha de Little Bighorn. Ao longo da sua presidência, Grant teve de enfrentar acusações de corrupção nos gabinetes executivos, incluindo investigações do Congresso a duas secretarias.

No que respeita à política externa, Grant aumentou as relações comerciais e a influência da América, ao mesmo tempo que se mantinha em paz com o mundo. A sua administração resolveu com sucesso as reivindicações do ''Alabama'' junto da Grã-Bretanha, pondo um ponto final nas tensões da guerra. Grant evitou a guerra com a Espanha depois do Caso Virginius, mas o Congresso rejeitou a sua tentativa de anexação da República Dominicana. Na política comercial, a administração de Grant implementou o padrão-ouro e procurou fortalecer o dólar. A sua resposta ao Pânico de 1873 trouxe algum alívio financeiro aos bancos de Nova Iorque, mas não conseguiu travar a depressão de cinco anos que fez aumentar o desemprego, baixar preços, baixar os lucros e as falências. Ao deixar a presidência em 1877, embarcou numa viagem à volta do mundo que durou dois anos.

Em 1880, Grant não conseguiu obter apoio dos republicanos para um terceiro mandato. Face a sérios reveses financeiros e a morrer de cancro da garganta, escreveu as suas memórias, obtendo uma boa recepção da crítica e boas vendas. A sua morte em 1885 deu origem a um sentimento de uma unidade nacional. As avaliações dos presidentes feitas pelos historiadores foram negativas até à década de 1980. Os académicos colocam a presidência de Grant abaixo da média de outros presidentes. Os seus críticos avaliam negativamente a sua gestão económica e o tratado de anexação da República Dominicana, enquanto os seus admiradores destacam a sua preocupação pelos [[Povos nativos dos Estados Unidos |Nativos Americanos]] e da defesa dos direitos de voto e civis.

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Citações Ulysses S. Grant

„Apesar de um soldado por profissão, nunca senti qualquer tipo de gosto para a guerra, e eu nunca a defendi, exceto como meio de paz.“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
Although a soldier by profession, I have never felt any sort of fondness for war, and I have never advocated it, except as a means of peace. Fonte: Discurso em Londres, como citado no Memorial da Vida Gen. Ulysses S. Grant (1889), editado por Stephen Merrill Allen, p. 95

„I felt like anything rather than rejoicing at the downfall of a foe who had fought so long and valiantly, and had suffered so much for a cause, though that cause was, I believe, one of the worst for which a people ever fought, and one for which there was the least excuse.“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
1880s, Context: I had known General Lee in the old army, and had served with him in the Mexican War; but did not suppose, owing to the difference in our age and rank, that he would remember me, while I would more naturally remember him distinctly, because he was the chief of staff of General Scott in the Mexican War. When I had left camp that morning I had not expected so soon the result that was then taking place, and consequently was in rough garb. I was without a sword, as I usually was when on horseback on the field, and wore a soldier's blouse for a coat, with the shoulder straps of my rank to indicate to the army who I was. When I went into the house I found General Lee. We greeted each other, and after shaking hands took our seats. I had my staff with me, a good portion of whom were in the room during the whole of the interview. What General Lee's feelings were I do not know. As he was a man of much dignity, with an impassible face, it was impossible to say whether he felt inwardly glad that the end had finally come, or felt sad over the result, and was too manly to show it. Whatever his feelings, they were entirely concealed from my observation; but my own feelings, which had been quite jubilant on the receipt of his letter, were sad and depressed. I felt like anything rather than rejoicing at the downfall of a foe who had fought so long and valiantly, and had suffered so much for a cause, though that cause was, I believe, one of the worst for which a people ever fought, and one for which there was the least excuse. I do not question, however, the sincerity of the great mass of those who were opposed to us. Ch. 67.

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„It occurred to me at once that Harris had been as much afraid of me as I had been of him. This was a view of the question I had never taken before; but it was one I never forgot afterwards. From that event to the close of the war, I never experienced trepidation upon confronting an enemy, though I always felt more or less anxiety. I never forgot that he had as much reason to fear my forces as I had his. The lesson was valuable.“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
1880s, Context: As we approached the brow of the hill from which it was expected we could see Harris' camp, and possibly find his men ready formed to meet us, my heart kept getting higher and higher until it felt to me as though it was in my throat. I would have given anything then to have been back in Illinois, but I had not the moral courage to halt and consider what to do; I kept right on. When we reached a point from which the valley below was in full view I halted. The place where Harris had been encamped a few days before was still there and the marks of a recent encampment were plainly visible, but the troops were gone. My heart resumed its place. It occurred to me at once that Harris had been as much afraid of me as I had been of him. This was a view of the question I had never taken before; but it was one I never forgot afterwards. From that event to the close of the war, I never experienced trepidation upon confronting an enemy, though I always felt more or less anxiety. I never forgot that he had as much reason to fear my forces as I had his. The lesson was valuable. Account of his effort as Colonel of the 21st Infantry of Illinois, to engage Confederate Colonel Thomas Harris in northern Missouri, Ch. 18.

„I would protect the law-abiding citizen, whether of native or foreign birth, wherever his rights are jeopardized or the flag of our country floats.“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
1860s, First Inaugural Address (1869), Context: In regard to foreign policy, I would deal with nations as equitable law requires individuals to deal with each other, and I would protect the law-abiding citizen, whether of native or foreign birth, wherever his rights are jeopardized or the flag of our country floats. I would respect the rights of all nations, demanding equal respect for our own. If others depart from this rule in their dealings with us, we may be compelled to follow their precedent.

„The war was expensive to the South as well as to the North, both in blood and treasure, but it was worth all it cost.“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
1880s, Context: There was no time during the rebellion when I did not think, and often say, that the South was more to be benefited by its defeat than the North. The latter had the people, the institutions, and the territory to make a great and prosperous nation. The former was burdened with an institution abhorrent to all civilized people not brought up under it, and one which degraded labor, kept it in ignorance, and enervated the governing class. With the outside world at war with this institution, they could not have extended their territory. The labor of the country was not skilled, nor allowed to become so. The whites could not toil without becoming degraded, and those who did were denominated 'poor white trash.' The system of labor would have soon exhausted the soil and left the people poor. The non-slaveholders would have left the country, and the small slaveholder must have sold out to his more fortunate neighbor. Soon the slaves would have outnumbered the masters, and, not being in sympathy with them, would have risen in their might and exterminated them. The war was expensive to the South as well as to the North, both in blood and treasure, but it was worth all it cost. Ch. 41.

„Though I have been trained as a soldier, and participated in many battles, there never was a time when, in my opinion, some way could not be found to prevent the drawing of the sword.“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
Context: Though I have been trained as a soldier, and participated in many battles, there never was a time when, in my opinion, some way could not be found to prevent the drawing of the sword. I look forward to an epoch when a court, recognized by all nations, will settle international differences, instead of keeping large standing armies as they do in Europe. As quoted in "International Arbitration" by W. H. Dellenback in The Commencement Annual, University of Michigan (30 June 1892) and in A Half Century of International Problems: A Lawyer's Views (1954) by Frederic René Coudert, p. 180.

„I can assure you that these colored troops are regularly mustered into the service of the United States“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
1860s, Context: I feel no inclination to retaliate for the offences of irresponsible persons; but if it is the policy of any General intrusted with the command of troops to show no quarter, or to punish with death prisoners taken in battle, I will accept the issue. It may be you propose a different line of policy towards black troops, and officers commanding them, to that practiced towards white troops. So, I can assure you that these colored troops are regularly mustered into the service of the United States. The Government, and all officers under the Government, are bound to give the same protection to these troops that they do to any other troops. Regarding Confederate executions of captured Union prisoners of war at Milliken's Bend by hanging Letter to Richard Taylor at Vicksburg (1863) https://archive.org/stream/wordsofourheroul00gran/wordsofourheroul00gran_djvu.txt

„General Burnside wanted to put his colored division in front, and I believe if he had done so it would have been a success.“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
Still I agreed with General Meade as to his objections to that plan. General Meade said that if we put the colored troops in front, we had only one division, and it should prove a failure, it would then be said and very properly, that we were shoving these people ahead to get killed because we did not care anything about them. But that could not be said if we put white troops in front. To the Committee on the Conduct of the War, as quoted in Battles and Leaders of the Civil War http://ehistory.osu.edu/osu/books/battles/index.cfm (1884-1888), edited by Robert Underwood Johnson and Clarence C. Buel, New York: Century Co., Volume 4, p. 548.

„In some places colored laborers were compelled to vote according to the wishes of their employers, under threats of discharge if they acted otherwise; and there are too many instances in which, when these threats were disregarded, they were remorselessly executed by those who made them.“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
1870s, Sixth State of the Union Address (1874), I understand that the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution was made to prevent this and a like state of things, and the act of May 31, 1870, with amendments, was passed to enforce its provisions, the object of both being to guarantee to all citizens the right to vote and to protect them in the free enjoyment of that right.

„Thus an element more dangerous to continued colonial relations between Cuba and Spain than that which inspired the insurrection at Yara—an element opposed to granting any relief from misrule and abuse, with no aspirations after freedom, commanding no sympathies in generous breasts, aiming to rivet still stronger the shackles of slavery and oppression—has seized many of the emblems of power in Cuba, and, under professions of loyalty to the mother country, is exhausting the resources of the island, and is doing acts which are at variance with those principles of justice, of liberality, and of right which give nobility of character to a republic.“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
1870s, Fifth State of the Union Address (1873), Context: The proslavery and aristocratic party in Cuba is gradually arraigning itself in more and more open hostility and defiance of the home government, while it still maintains a political connection with the Republic in the peninsula; and although usurping and defying the authority of the home government whenever such usurpation or defiance tends in the direction of oppression or of the maintenance of abuses, it is still a power in Madrid, and is recognized by the Government. Thus an element more dangerous to continued colonial relations between Cuba and Spain than that which inspired the insurrection at Yara—an element opposed to granting any relief from misrule and abuse, with no aspirations after freedom, commanding no sympathies in generous breasts, aiming to rivet still stronger the shackles of slavery and oppression—has seized many of the emblems of power in Cuba, and, under professions of loyalty to the mother country, is exhausting the resources of the island, and is doing acts which are at variance with those principles of justice, of liberality, and of right which give nobility of character to a republic. In the interests of humanity, of civilization, and of progress, it is to be hoped that this evil influence may be soon averted.

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„A measure which makes at once 4,000,000 people voters who were heretofore declared by the highest tribunal in the land not citizens of the United States, nor eligible to become so“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
1870s, Message to the Senate and House of Representatives (1870), Context: A measure which makes at once 4,000,000 people voters who were heretofore declared by the highest tribunal in the land not citizens of the United States, nor eligible to become so (with the assertion that "at the time of the Declaration of Independence the opinion was fixed and universal in the civilized portion of the white race, regarded as an axiom in morals as well as in politics, that black men had no rights which the white man was bound to respect"), is indeed a measure of grander importance than any other one act of the kind from the foundation of our free Government to the present day.

„I believe that our Great Maker is preparing the world, in His own good time, to become one nation, speaking one language, and when armies and navies will be no longer required.“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
1870s, Second Inaugural Address (1873), Context: The subject of acquisition of territory must have the support of the people before I will recommend any proposition looking to such acquisition. I say here, however, that I do not share in the apprehension held by many as to the danger of governments becoming weakened and destroyed by reason of their extension of territory. Commerce, education, and rapid transit of thought and matter by telegraph and steam have changed all this. Rather do I believe that our Great Maker is preparing the world, in His own good time, to become one nation, speaking one language, and when armies and navies will be no longer required.

„I have no prejudice against sect or race, but want each individual to be judged by his own merit.“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
1860s, Letter to Isaac N. Morris (1868), Context: Give Mister Moses assurances that I have no prejudice against sect or race, but want each individual to be judged by his own merit. Order No. 11 does not sustain this statement, I amidt, but then I do not sustain that order. It never would have been issued if it had not been telegraphed the moment penned, without one moment's reflection. To Isaac N. Morris (1868), as quoted in The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant: July 1, 1868–October 31, 1869 https://books.google.com/books?id=JXn2Bq8KpDEC&pg=PA37&dq=%22I+have+no+prejudice+against+sect+or+race,+but+want+each+individual+to+be+judged+by+his+own+merit.%22&hl=en&sa=X&ei=eucJVYHXK4SxggSXj4S4BQ&ved=0CCQQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q&f=false, by Ulysses S. Grant, p. 37. Also quoted in Grant http://books.google.com/books?id=TssAXSdPTi4C&printsec=frontcover&dq=GrantJean+E.+Smith&hl=en&sa=X&ei=MVrWU7qCI47lsATyroKADg&ved=0CCcQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=prejudice%20against%20sect&f=false (2001), by Jean Edward Smith, pp. 459–460.

„I took no part myself in any such view of the case at the time, but since the war is over, reviewing the whole question, I have come to the conclusion that the saying is quite true.“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
1880s, Context: The cause of the great War of the Rebellion against the United States will have to be attributed to slavery. For some years before the war began it was a trite saying among some politicians that 'A state half slave and half free cannot exist.' All must become slave or all free, or the state will go down. I took no part myself in any such view of the case at the time, but since the war is over, reviewing the whole question, I have come to the conclusion that the saying is quite true. Conclusion

„Looking back over the whole policy of reconstruction, it seems to me that the wisest thing would have been to have continued for some time the military rule. Sensible Southern men see now that there was no government so frugal, so just, and fair as what they had under our generals.“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
1870s, Context: Looking back over the whole policy of reconstruction, it seems to me that the wisest thing would have been to have continued for some time the military rule. Sensible Southern men see now that there was no government so frugal, so just, and fair as what they had under our generals. That would have enabled the Southern people to pull themselves together and repair material losses. As to depriving them, even for a time, of suffrage, that was our right as a conqueror, and it was a mild penalty for the stupendous crime of treason. Military rule would have been just to all, to the negro who wanted freedom, the white man who wanted protection, the northern man who wanted Union. As state after state showed a willingness to come into the Union, not on their own terms but upon ours, I would have admitted them. This would have made universal suffrage unnecessary, and I think a mistake was made about suffrage. It was unjust to the negro to throw upon him the responsibilities of citizenship, and expect him to be on even terms with his white neighbor. It was unjust to the north. In giving the south negro suffrage, we have given the old slave-holders forty votes in the electoral college. They keep those votes, but disfranchise the negroes. That is one of the gravest mistakes in the policy of reconstruction. It looks like a political triumph for the south, but it is not. The southern people have nothing to dread more than the political triumph of the men who led them into secession. That triumph was fatal to them in 1860. It would be no less now. The trouble about military rule in the south was that our people did not like it. It was not in accordance with our institutions. I am clear now that it would have been better for the north to have postponed suffrage, reconstruction, state governments, for ten years, and held the south in a territorial condition. It was due to the north that the men who had made war upon us should be powerless in a political sense forever. It would have avoided the scandals of the state governments, saved money, and enabled the northern merchants, farmers, and laboring men to reorganize society in the south. But we made our scheme, and must do what we can with it. Suffrage once given can never be taken away, and all that remains for us now is to make good that gift by protecting those who have received it. In China, p. 362.

„In giving the south negro suffrage, we have given the old slave-holders forty votes in the electoral college. They keep those votes, but disfranchise the negroes“

—  Ulysses S. Grant
1870s, Context: Looking back over the whole policy of reconstruction, it seems to me that the wisest thing would have been to have continued for some time the military rule. Sensible Southern men see now that there was no government so frugal, so just, and fair as what they had under our generals. That would have enabled the Southern people to pull themselves together and repair material losses. As to depriving them, even for a time, of suffrage, that was our right as a conqueror, and it was a mild penalty for the stupendous crime of treason. Military rule would have been just to all, to the negro who wanted freedom, the white man who wanted protection, the northern man who wanted Union. As state after state showed a willingness to come into the Union, not on their own terms but upon ours, I would have admitted them. This would have made universal suffrage unnecessary, and I think a mistake was made about suffrage. It was unjust to the negro to throw upon him the responsibilities of citizenship, and expect him to be on even terms with his white neighbor. It was unjust to the north. In giving the south negro suffrage, we have given the old slave-holders forty votes in the electoral college. They keep those votes, but disfranchise the negroes. That is one of the gravest mistakes in the policy of reconstruction. It looks like a political triumph for the south, but it is not. The southern people have nothing to dread more than the political triumph of the men who led them into secession. That triumph was fatal to them in 1860. It would be no less now. The trouble about military rule in the south was that our people did not like it. It was not in accordance with our institutions. I am clear now that it would have been better for the north to have postponed suffrage, reconstruction, state governments, for ten years, and held the south in a territorial condition. It was due to the north that the men who had made war upon us should be powerless in a political sense forever. It would have avoided the scandals of the state governments, saved money, and enabled the northern merchants, farmers, and laboring men to reorganize society in the south. But we made our scheme, and must do what we can with it. Suffrage once given can never be taken away, and all that remains for us now is to make good that gift by protecting those who have received it. In China, p. 362.

„Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetuer adipiscing elit. Etiam egestas wisi a erat. Morbi imperdiet, mauris ac auctor dictum.“

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