Frases de Lyndon Baines Johnson
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Lyndon Baines Johnson , comumente LBJ, foi um político norte-americano e o 36º presidente dos Estados Unidos, cargo que assumiu após servir como o 37º vice-presidente dos Estados Unidos. Ele é uma das quatro pessoas que ocuparam os quatro cargos federais mais elevados por eleição nos Estados Unidos: representante, senador, vice-presidente e presidente. Membro do Partido Democrata do Texas, Johnson fez parte da Câmara dos Representantes entre 1937–1949 e do Senado entre 1949–1961. Após não ter conseguido a indicação para presidente em 1960, ele recebeu a oferta de John F. Kennedy para ser seu running mate na eleição de 1960.

Johnson ascendeu à presidência após o assassinato de Kennedy em 22 de novembro de 1963, completando o mandato de Kennedy e sendo eleito por conta própria com uma grande margem na eleição de 1964. Johnson recebeu grande apoio dos Democratas e, enquanto presidente, foi responsável por criar a legislação da "Grande Sociedade", que incluía leis que confirmavam os direitos civis, radiodifusão pública, Medicare, Medicaid, proteção ambiental, auxílio a educação e sua "Guerra a Pobreza". Ele era conhecido por sua personalidade autoritária e o "tratamento Johnson", sua coerção de políticos poderosos para avançar legislações. Durante os primeiros anos de sua presidência, a economia cresceu e milhões de americanos saíram da pobreza, especialmente por causa dos seus projetos de estímulo econômicos e sociais.Johnson adotou uma política externa voltada com o anticomunismo. Ele escalou a participação norte-americana na Guerra do Vietnã, indo de dezesseis mil soldados na região em 1963 para 550 mil no início de 1968, aumentando as fatalidades e diminuindo as chances de paz. O envolvimento gerou vários movimentos antiguerra principalmente em universidades de todo o país. Revoltas começaram a ocorrer em várias regiões e o crime nas grandes cidades aumentou em 1965, e seus oponentes passaram a exigir medidas de lei e ordem. O Partido Democrata dividiu-se em várias facções e, após não ter ido bem na convenção de Nova Hampshire em 1968, Johnson não conseguiu a indicação para tentar a reeleição, tendo que desistir da corrida presidencial em 1968. O Republicano Richard Nixon acabou por sucedê-lo. Após deixar a presidência, ele voltou para sua cidade natal, Stonewall, morrendo em 22 de janeiro de 1973.

O legado de sua presidência divide opiniões. Muitos historiadores argumentam que seu governo marcou o pico do liberalismo americano após a era do New Deal. Johnson é bem avaliado por muitos estudiosos e historiadores devido as suas políticas domésticas e a assinatura de diversas leis, incluindo de direitos civis, controle de armas e seguridade social. Apesar dos avanços internos, muitos o desqualificam como um bom presidente devido ao fiasco da guerra do Vietnã. Wikipedia  

✵ 27. Agosto 1908 – 22. Janeiro 1973
Lyndon Baines Johnson photo
Lyndon Baines Johnson: 158   citações 1   Curtida

Lyndon Baines Johnson Frases famosas

“É melhor ter na sua tenda alguém que atira para fora, do que têlo fora a atirar para dentro.”

It's probably better to have him inside the tent pissing out, than outside the tent pissing in.
Sobre o diretor do FBI J. Edgar Hoover, como citado em The New York Times (31 de outubro de 1971)

Lyndon Baines Johnson: Frases em inglês

“Make no mistake about it. I don't want a man in here to go back home thinking otherwise; we are going to win.”

Remarks at a Meeting of the National Alliance of Businessmen (16 March 1968). http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=28740
1960s

“When anyone says he’s a country boy, put your hand on your wallet.”

While Lyndon Johnson is reported to have said this (or a variation), it was not original to him. See barrypopik.com http://www.barrypopik.com/index.php/new_york_city/entry/when_anyone_says_hes_a_country_boy_you_better_put_your_hand_on_your_wallet and Texas, A Modern History: Revised Edition https://books.google.com/books?id=WQNo7e3jjysC&pg=PA215#v=onepage&q&f=false.
Misattributed

“In 1965 alone we had 300 private talks for peace in Vietnam, with friends and adversaries throughout the world. Since Christmas your government has labored again, with imagination and endurance, to remove any barrier to peaceful settlement. For 20 days now we and our Vietnamese allies have dropped no bombs in North Vietnam. Able and experienced spokesmen have visited, in behalf of America, more than 40 countries. We have talked to more than a hundred governments, all 113 that we have relations with, and some that we don't. We have talked to the United Nations and we have called upon all of its members to make any contribution that they can toward helping obtain peace. In public statements and in private communications, to adversaries and to friends, in Rome and Warsaw, in Paris and Tokyo, in Africa and throughout this hemisphere, America has made her position abundantly clear. We seek neither territory nor bases, economic domination or military alliance in Vietnam. We fight for the principle of self-determination—that the people of South Vietnam should be able to choose their own course, choose it in free elections without violence, without terror, and without fear. The people of all Vietnam should make a free decision on the great question of reunification. This is all we want for South Vietnam. It is all the people of South Vietnam want. And if there is a single nation on this earth that desires less than this for its own people, then let its voice be heard. We have also made it clear—from Hanoi to New York—that there are no arbitrary limits to our search for peace. We stand by the Geneva Agreements of 1954 and 1962. We will meet at any conference table, we will discuss any proposals—four points or 14 or 40—and we will consider the views of any group. We will work for a cease-fire now or once discussions have begun. We will respond if others reduce their use of force, and we will withdraw our soldiers once South Vietnam is securely guaranteed the right to shape its own future. We have said all this, and we have asked—and hoped—and we have waited for a response. So far we have received no response to prove either success or failure.”

1960s, State of the Union Address (1966)

“Our government is united in its determination to take all necessary measures in support of freedom and in defense of peace in Southeast Asia.”

Report on the Gulf of Tonkin Incident https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Dx8-ffiYyzA (4 August 1964)
1960s

“For tonight, as so many nights before, young Americans struggle and young Americans die in a distant land. Tonight, as so many nights before, the American Nation is asked to sacrifice the blood of its children and the fruits of its labor for the love of its freedom. How many times—in my lifetime and in yours—have the American people gathered, as they do now, to hear their President tell them of conflict and tell them of danger? Each time they have answered. They have answered with all the effort that the security and the freedom of this nation required. And they do again tonight in Vietnam. Not too many years ago Vietnam was a peaceful, if troubled, land. In the North was an independent Communist government. In the South a people struggled to build a nation, with the friendly help of the United States. There were some in South Vietnam who wished to force Communist rule on their own people. But their progress was slight. Their hope of success was dim. Then, little more than six years ago, North Vietnam decided on conquest. And from that day to this, soldiers and supplies have moved from North to South in a swelling stream that is swallowing the remnants of revolution in aggression. As the assault mounted, our choice gradually became clear. We could leave, abandoning South Vietnam to its attackers and to certain conquest, or we could stay and fight beside the people of South Vietnam. We stayed. And we will stay until aggression has stopped.”

1960s, State of the Union Address (1966)

“Making a speech on economics is a lot like pissing down your leg. It seems hot to you, but it never does to anyone else.”

Private comment, as quoted in Name-Dropping (1999) by John Kenneth Galbraith, p. 149.

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