Frases de Theodore Roosevelt
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Theodore "Teddy" Roosevelt foi um estadista norte-americano, filho de Theodore Roosevelt e Martha Bulloch. Foi o vigésimo quinto vice-presidente e o vigésimo sexto presidente dos Estados Unidos, de 1901 a 1909. Roosevelt assumiu a presidência após a morte do então titular, William McKinley, sendo o mais jovem presidente dos Estados Unidos .

Foi igualmente um historiador , naturalista, explorador , escritor e soldado militar, tendo atingido a graduação de coronel. Membro do Partido republicano, foi sucessivamente chefe da polícia de Nova Iorque , adjunto do secretário da Marinha , voluntário na Guerra hispano-americana de 1898, e finalmente governador do Estado de Nova Iorque .

Seu rosto está esculpido no Monte Rushmore ao lado de outros três presidentes: George Washington, Thomas Jefferson e Abraham Lincoln .

Em sua vida acadêmica estudou biologia e direito nas universidades Harvard e Columbia respectivamente.

Em 1906 foi o primeiro estadunidense a receber o Nobel da Paz.

✵ 27. Outubro 1858 – 6. Janeiro 1919   •   Outros nomes Teddy Rosevelt, Teddy Roosevelt
Theodore Roosevelt photo
Theodore Roosevelt: 487   citações 160   Curtidas

Theodore Roosevelt Frases famosas

“Faça o que puder, com o que tiver, onde estiver.”

Do what you can, with what you have, where you are
The Works of Theodore Roosevelt - Volume: Through the Brazilian Wilderness And Papers on Natural History‎ - página xvii, de Theodore Roosevelt - Publicado por Cosimo, Inc., 2006, ISBN 1596058293, 9781596058293 - 440 páginas
Variante: Faça o que você pode, com o que você tem, no lugar onde você está!

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Citações de pessoas de Theodore Roosevelt

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Citações de homens de Theodore Roosevelt

“O único homem que nunca comete erros é aquele que nunca faz coisa alguma. Não tenha medo de errar, pois você aprenderá a não cometer duas vezes o mesmo erro.”

The only man who never makes a mistake is the man who never does anything
Theodore Roosevelt‎ - Página 54, de Lois Markham - Publicado por Chelsea House, 1985, ISBN 0877545537, 9780877545538 - 111 páginas

Theodore Roosevelt frases e citações

“É difícil melhorar nossa condição material com leis boas, mas é muito fácil arruiná-la com leis ruins.”

It is difficult to make our material condition better by the best law, but it is easy enough to ruin it by bad laws
The Theodore Roosevelt Treasury: A Self-portrait from His Writings‎ - Página 148, de Theodore Roosevelt, Hermann Hagedorn - Publicado por Putnam, 1957 - 342 páginas

“A conservação dos recursos naturais é o problema fundamental. Se não o resolvermos, ficará difícil resolver todos os demais.”

The conservation of natural resources is the fundamental problem. Unless we solve that problem it will avail us little to solve all others.
Works: Presidential addresses and state papers, Dec. 3, 1901, June 1910, and European addresses. 8 v - página 1433, Theodore Roosevelt, The Review of Reviews Publishing Company, 1910

“De longe, o maior prêmio que a vida oferece é a chance de trabalhar muito e se dedicar a algo que valha a pena.”

Far and away the best prize that life has to offer is the chance to work hard at work worth doing.
The Square Deal" no Dia do Trabalho, discurso no New York State Agricultural Association, Syracuse, NY (9 de julho de 1903)

“É muito melhor arriscar coisas grandiosas, alcançar triunfos e glórias, mesmo expondo-se a derrota, do que formar fila com os pobres de espírito que nem gozam muito nem sofrem muito, porque vivem nessa penumbra cinzenta que não conhece vitória nem derrota.”

Far better it is to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs - even though checkered by failure, than to take rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy much nor suffer much, because they live in the gray twilight that knows not victory nor defeat
The strenuous life: essays and addresses - página 4, Theodore Roosevelt, Adegi Graphics LLC, 1924, ISBN 1421265893, 9781421265896, 332 páginas

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Theodore Roosevelt: Frases em inglês

“The worst lesson that can be taught a man is to rely upon others and to whine over his sufferings.”

"How Not To Better Social Conditions" in Review of Reviews (January 1897), p. 39 https://books.google.com/books?id=J2FAAQAAMAAJ&pg=PA39 · Full text online (with at least two typos — in the last sentence of the article) as "How Not To Help Our Poor Brother" http://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/images/research/speeches/trhnthopb.pdf
1890s

“Far better it is to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure, than to rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy much nor suffer much, because they live in that grey twilight that knows neither victory nor defeat.”

Theodore Roosevelt The Strenuous Life

1900s, The Strenuous Life: Essays and Addresses (1900), The Strenuous Life
Variante: Far better is it to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure... than to rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy nor suffer much, because they live in a gray twilight that knows not victory nor defeat.

“I don't pity any man who does hard work worth doing. I admire him. I pity the creature who does not work, at whichever end of the social scale he may regard himself as being.”

Speech to the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen in Chattanooga, Tennessee (8 September 2013). http://books.google.de/books?id=7_3uugarOF0C&pg=PA105&lpg=PA105&dq=theodore+roosevelt+I+don't+pity+any+man+who+does+hard+work+worth+doing.+I+admire+him.+I+pity+the+creature+who+does+not+work,+at+whichever+end+of+the+social+scale+he+may+regard+himself+as+being.&source=bl&ots=seVM4pX9IN&sig=gd7yTZMy3X2h6rIgQVVp5uR0Xu4&hl=de&sa=X&ei=M5FZUvW4M8LXtQby1YD4AQ&ved=0CG8Q6AEwCTgK#v=onepage&q=theodore%20roosevelt%20I%20don't%20pity%20any%20man%20who%20does%20hard%20work%20worth%20doing.%20I%20admire%20him.%20I%20pity%20the%20creature%20who%20does%20not%20work%2C%20at%20whichever%20end%20of%20the%20social%20scale%20he%20may%20regard%20himself%20as%20being.&f=false
1900s

“As regards capital cases, the trouble is that emotional men and women always see only the individual whose fate is up at the moment, and neither his victim nor the many millions of unknown individuals who would in the long run be harmed by what they ask. Moreover, almost any criminal, however brutal, has usually some person, often a person whom he has greatly wronged, who will plead for him. If the mother is alive she will always come, and she cannot help feeling that the case in which she is so concerned is peculiar, that in this case a pardon should be granted. It was really heartrending to have to see the kinfolk and friends of murderers who were condemned to death, and among the very rare occasions when anything governmental or official caused me to lose sleep were times when I had to listen to some poor mother making a plea for a "criminal" so wicked, so utterly brutal and depraved, that it would have been a crime on my part to remit his punishment.
On the other hand, there were certain crimes where requests for leniency merely made me angry. Such crimes were, for instance, rape, or the circulation of indecent literature, or anything connected with what would now be called the "white slave" traffic, or wife murder, or gross cruelty to women or children, or seduction and abandonment, or the action of some man in getting a girl whom he seduced to commit abortion. In an astonishing number of these cases men of high standing signed petitions or wrote letters asking me to show leniency to the criminal. In two or three of the cases — one where some young roughs had committed rape on a helpless immigrant girl, and another in which a physician of wealth and high standing had seduced a girl and then induced her to commit abortion — I rather lost my temper, and wrote to the individuals who had asked for the pardon, saying that I extremely regretted that it was not in my power to increase the sentence. I then let the facts be made public, for I thought that my petitioners deserved public censure. Whether they received this public censure or not I did not know, but that my action made them very angry I do know, and their anger gave me real satisfaction.”

Fonte: 1910s, Theodore Roosevelt — An Autobiography (1913), Ch. VIII : The New York Governorship

“Political parties exist to secure responsible government and to execute the will of the people. From these great tasks both of the old parties have turned aside. Instead of instruments to promote the general welfare they have become the tools of corrupt interests, which use them impartially to serve their selfish purposes. Behind the ostensible government sits enthroned an invisible government owing no allegiance and acknowledging no responsibility to the people.”

"The Progressive Covenant With The People" http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/papr:@filreq(@field(NUMBER+@band(trrs+1146))+@field(COLLID+roosevelt)) speech (August 1912)
1910s
Contexto: Political parties exist to secure responsible government and to execute the will of the people. From these great tasks both of the old parties have turned aside. Instead of instruments to promote the general welfare they have become the tools of corrupt interests, which use them impartially to serve their selfish purposes. Behind the ostensible government sits enthroned an invisible government owing no allegiance and acknowledging no responsibility to the people. To destroy this invisible government, to dissolve the unholy alliance between corrupt business and corrupt politics, is the first task of the statesmanship of the day.

“The only safe rule is to promise little, and faithfully to keep every promise; to "speak softly and carry a big stick."”

Ch. XV : The Peace of Righteousness http://books.google.com/books?id=Io4fAAAAIAAJ&q=%22The+only+safe+rule+is+to+promise+little+and+faithfully+to+keep+every+promise+to+speak+softly+and+carry+a+big+stick%22&pg=PA537#v=onepage
1910s, Theodore Roosevelt — An Autobiography (1913)

“The one sure way to have secured the defeat of every good principle worth fighting for would have been to have permitted the fight to be changed into one along sectarian lines and inspired by the spirit of sectarian bitterness, either for the purpose of putting into public life or of keeping out of public life the believers in any given creed. Such conduct represents an assault upon Americanism. The man guilty of it is not a good American. I hold that in this country there must be complete severance of Church and State; that public moneys shall not be used for the purpose of advancing any particular creed; and therefore that the public schools shall be non-sectarian. As a necessary corollary to this, not only the pupils but the members of the teaching force and the school officials of all kinds must be treated exactly on a par, no matter what their creed; and there must be no more discrimination against Jew or Catholic or Protestant than discrimination in favor of Jew, Catholic or Protestant. Whoever makes such discrimination is an enemy of the public schools.”

1910s, Address to the Knights of Columbus (1915)
Contexto: For thirty-five years I have been more or less actively engaged in public life, in the performance of my political duties, now in a public position, now in a private position. I have fought with all the fervor I possessed for the various causes in which with all my heart I believed; and in every fight I thus made I have had with me and against me Catholics, Protestants, and Jews. There have been times when I have had to make the fight for or against some man of each creed on ground of plain public morality, unconnected with questions of public policy. There were other times when I have made such a fight for or against a given man, not on grounds of public morality, for he may have been morally a good man, but on account of his attitude on questions of public policy, of governmental principle. In both cases, I have always found myself 4 fighting beside, and fighting against, men of every creed. The one sure way to have secured the defeat of every good principle worth fighting for would have been to have permitted the fight to be changed into one along sectarian lines and inspired by the spirit of sectarian bitterness, either for the purpose of putting into public life or of keeping out of public life the believers in any given creed. Such conduct represents an assault upon Americanism. The man guilty of it is not a good American. I hold that in this country there must be complete severance of Church and State; that public moneys shall not be used for the purpose of advancing any particular creed; and therefore that the public schools shall be non-sectarian. As a necessary corollary to this, not only the pupils but the members of the teaching force and the school officials of all kinds must be treated exactly on a par, no matter what their creed; and there must be no more discrimination against Jew or Catholic or Protestant than discrimination in favor of Jew, Catholic or Protestant. Whoever makes such discrimination is an enemy of the public schools.

“The performance of duty, and not an indulgence in vapid ease and vapid pleasure, is all that makes life worth while.”

Chapter V Applied Idealism http://www.bartleby.com/55/5.html
1910s, Theodore Roosevelt — An Autobiography (1913)

“If we lose the virile, manly qualities, and sink into a nation of mere hucksters, putting gain over national honor, and subordinating everything to mere ease of life, then we shall indeed reach a condition worse than that of the ancient civilizations in the years of their decay.”

"The Law of Civilization and Decay", The Forum (January 1897), reprinted in American Ideals (1926), vol. 13 of The Works of Theodore Roosevelt, national ed., chapter 15, pp. 259–60
1890s

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