Frases de Rosa Luxemburgo
Data de nascimento: 5. Março 1871
Data de falecimento: 15. Janeiro 1919
Rosa Luxemburgo foi uma filósofa e economista marxista, polaco-germana. Tornou-se mundialmente conhecida pela militância revolucionária ligada à Social-Democracia da Polônia , ao Partido Social-Democrata da Alemanha e ao Partido Social-Democrata Independente da Alemanha . Participou da fundação do grupo de tendência marxista do SPD, que viria a se tornar mais tarde o Partido Comunista da Alemanha . Seu nome em polaco é Róża Luksemburg e em alemão Rosa Luxemburg.
Em 1915, após o SPD apoiar a participação alemã na Primeira Guerra Mundial, Luxemburgo fundou, ao lado de Karl Liebknecht, a Liga Espartaquista. Em 1° de janeiro de 1919, a Liga transformou-se no KPD. Em novembro de 1918, durante a Revolução Espartaquista, ela fundou o jornal Die Rote Fahne , para dar suporte aos ideais da Liga.
Luxemburgo considerou o levante espartaquista de janeiro de 1919 em Berlim como um grande erro. Entretanto, ela apoiaria a insurreição que Liebknecht iniciou sem seu conhecimento. Quando a revolta foi esmagada pelas Freikorps, milícias patriotas compostas por veteranos da Primeira Guerra que estavam desiludidos com a República de Weimar, mas que rejeitavam igualmente o marxismo e o avanço comunista, não esquecendo as traições destes ao povo alemão, bem como as perseguições sangrentas que muitos comunistas faziam aos ex-combatentes, Luxemburgo, Liebknecht e alguns de seus seguidores foram capturados e assassinados. Luxemburgo foi fuzilada e seu corpo jogado num curso d'água , em Berlim.
Em consequência de suas críticas às escolas Marxista-Leninista e correntes mais moderadas da escola social-democrática do socialismo, Luxemburgo tem conceito algo ambíguo por parte de estudiosos e teóricos da esquerda política. Apesar disso, Luxemburgo e Liebknecht são considerados mártires por alguns marxistas. De acordo com o Gabinete Federal para a Proteção da Constituição, a comemoração em memória de Rosa Luxemburgo e Karl Liebknecht continua a desempenhar uma função importante entre a esquerda política alemã.
Citações Rosa Luxemburgo
„Freedom only for the members of the government, only for the members of the Party — though they are quite numerous — is no freedom at all. Freedom is always the freedom of dissenters.“
— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: Freedom only for the members of the government, only for the members of the Party — though they are quite numerous — is no freedom at all. Freedom is always the freedom of dissenters. The essence of political freedom depends not on the fanatics of 'justice', but rather on all the invigorating, beneficial, and detergent effects of dissenters. If 'freedom' becomes 'privilege', the workings of political freedom are broken. Die russische Revolution. Eine kritische Würdigung (1920) p. 109 <!-- and in Rosa Luxemburg - Gesammelte Werke Vol. 4, p. 359, Footnote 3, Dietz Verlag Berlin (Ost), 1983 --> This contains probably her most famous statement: Freiheit ist immer Freiheit der Andersdenkenden, translated as "Freedom is always the freedom of dissenters." Variant: Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently.
„War unleashes – at the same time as the reactionary forces of the capitalist world – the generating forces of social revolution which ferment in its depths.“
— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: The Russo-Japanese War now gives to all an awareness that even war and peace in Europe – its destiny – isn’t decided between the four walls of the European concert, but outside it, in the gigantic maelstrom of world and colonial politics. And its in this that the real meaning of the current war resides for social-democracy, even if we set aside its immediate effect: the collapse of Russian absolutism. This war brings the gaze of the international proletariat back to the great political and economic connectedness of the world, and violently dissipates in our ranks the particularism, the pettiness of ideas that form in any period of political calm. The war completely rends all the veils which the bourgeois world – this world of economic, political and social fetishism – constantly wraps us in. The war destroys the appearance which leads us to believe in peaceful social evolution; in the omnipotence and the untouchability of bourgeois legality; in national exclusivism; in the stability of political conditions; in the conscious direction of politics by these “statesmen” or parties; in the significance capable of shaking up the world of the squabbles in bourgeois parliaments; in parliamentarism as the so-called center of social existence. War unleashes – at the same time as the reactionary forces of the capitalist world – the generating forces of social revolution which ferment in its depths. [http://www.marxists.org/archive/luxemburg/1904/05/01.htm "In the Storm" in Le Socialiste] as translated by Mitch Abidor (1 - 8 May 1904)
„Socialism in life demands a complete spiritual transformation in the masses degraded by centuries of bourgeois rule.“
— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: Public control is indispensably necessary. Otherwise the exchange of experiences remains only with the closed circle of the officials of the new regime. Corruption becomes inevitable. (Lenin’s words, Bulletin No.29) Socialism in life demands a complete spiritual transformation in the masses degraded by centuries of bourgeois rule. Social instincts in place of egotistical ones, mass initiative in place of inertia, idealism which conquers all suffering, etc., etc. No one knows this better, describes it more penetratingly; repeats it more stubbornly than Lenin. But he is completely mistaken in the means he employs. Decree, dictatorial force of the factory overseer, draconian penalties, rule by terror – all these things are but palliatives. The only way to a rebirth is the school of public life itself, the most unlimited, the broadest democracy and public opinion. It is rule by terror which demoralizes. [http://www.marxists.org/archive/luxemburg/1918/russian-revolution/ch06.htm "The Problem with Dictatorship" in The Russian Revolution] as translated by Bertram Wolfe (1918)
„The modern proletarian class doesn't carry out its struggle according to a plan set out in some book or theory; the modern workers' struggle is a part of history, a part of social progress, and in the middle of history, in the middle of progress, in the middle of the fight, we learn how we must fight...“
— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: The modern proletarian class doesn't carry out its struggle according to a plan set out in some book or theory; the modern workers' struggle is a part of history, a part of social progress, and in the middle of history, in the middle of progress, in the middle of the fight, we learn how we must fight... That's exactly what is laudable about it, that's exactly why this colossal piece of culture, within the modern workers' movement, is epoch-defining: that the great masses of the working people first forge from their own consciousness, from their own belief, and even from their own understanding the weapons of their own liberation. "The Politics of Mass Strikes and Unions"; Collected Works 2 <!-- p. 465 -->
„The leadership has failed. Even so, the leadership can and must be recreated from the masses and out of the masses.“
— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: The leadership has failed. Even so, the leadership can and must be recreated from the masses and out of the masses. The masses are the decisive element, they are the rock on which the final victory of the revolution will be built. The masses were on the heights; they have developed this 'defeat' into one of the historical defeats which are the pride and strength of international socialism. And that is why the future victory will bloom from this 'defeat'. 'Order reigns in Berlin!' You stupid henchmen! Your 'order' is built on sand. Tomorrow the revolution will already 'raise itself with a rattle' and announce with fanfare, to your terror: I was, I am, I will be! "Order reigns in Berlin", Last written words. Collected Works 4 <!-- p. 536 -->
— Rosa Luxemburg
Context: Freedom only for the supporters of the government, only for the members of one party – however numerous they may be – is no freedom at all. Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently. Not because of any fanatical concept of “justice” but because all that is instructive, wholesome and purifying in political freedom depends on this essential characteristic, and its effectiveness vanishes when “freedom” becomes a special privilege. Chapter Six, "The Problem of Dictatorship"