Frases de Leo Strauss
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Leo Strauss , foi um filósofo político teuto-americano de origem judaica . Especialista no estudo da Filosofia Política Clássica, passou a maior parte de sua carreira como professor de Ciência Política na Universidade de Chicago , onde foi mestre de várias gerações de estudantes. Fundou a escola de pensadores "Straussians".

Oriundo da tradição neo-kantiana e imerso no trabalho dos fenomenologistas Edmund Husserl, Carl Schmitt, Nicolau Maquiavel e Martin Heidegger, Strauss, mais tarde, focou sua pesquisa nos textos gregos de Platão e Aristóteles, rastreando as interpretações que o pensamento medieval islâmico e judeu fizeram desses autores e encorajando a aplicação de suas ideias à teoria política contemporânea. Wikipedia

✵ 20. Setembro 1899 – 18. Outubro 1973

Leo Strauss: 79 citações0 Curtidas

Leo Strauss frases e citações

““Todos os políticos são limitados e nenhum se baseia de fato na realidade.“”

all politics are limited and none of them is really based on the truth.
citado por William Kristol, em entrevista para o livro “Gang of Five” de Nina J., Easton
Gang of Five: Leaders at the Center of the Conservative Crusade‎ - Página 183, de Nina Easton - Publicado por Simon & Schuster, 2000, ISBN 0684838990, 9780684838991 - 463 páginas

Leo Strauss: Frases em inglês

“According to our social science, we can be or become wise in all matters of secondary importance, but we have to be resigned to utter ignorance in the most important respect: we cannot have any knowledge regarding the ultimate principles of our choices, i. e. regarding their soundness or unsoundness… We are then in the position of beings who are sane and sober when engaged in trivial business and who gamble like madmen when confronted with serious issues.”

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Fonte: Natural Right and History (1953), p. 4

“Life is too short to live with any but the greatest books.”

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“What is liberal education,” p. 6
Liberalism Ancient and Modern (1968)

“The most superficial fact regarding the Discourses, the fact that the number of its chapters equals the number of books of Livy's History, compelled us to start a chain of tentative reasoning which brings us suddenly face to face with the only New Testament quotation that ever appears in Machiavelli's two books and with an enormous blasphemy.”

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Leo Strauss livro Thoughts on Machiavelli

Fonte: Thoughts on Machiavelli (1958), p. 49

“Persecution, then, gives rise to a peculiar technique of writing, and therewith to a peculiar type of literature, in which the truth about all crucial things is presented exclusively between the lines. That literature is addressed, not to all readers, but to trustworthy and intelligent readers only.”

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Leo Strauss livro Persecution and the Art of Writing

Fonte: Persecution and the Art of Writing (1952), Persecution and the Art of Writing, p. 25

“The problem inherent in the surface of things, and only in the surface of things, is the heart of things.”

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Leo Strauss livro Thoughts on Machiavelli

Fonte: Thoughts on Machiavelli (1958), p. 13

“Political philosophy has lost its credibility in proportion as politics itself has become more philosophic than ever in a sense.”

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Philosophy as Rigorous Science and Political Philosophy (1971)

“We cannot exert our understanding without from time to time understanding something of importance; and this act of understanding may be accompanied by the awareness of our understanding, by the understanding of understanding, by noesis noesos, and this is so high, so pure, so noble an experience that Aristotle could ascribe it to his God.”

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“What is liberal education,” p. 8
Liberalism Ancient and Modern (1968)

“The Euthyphron is a very paradoxical dialogue. So indeed is every Platonic dialogue.”

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An Untitled Lecture on Plato's Euthyphron (1996)

“The character, or tone, of a society depends on what the society regards as the most respectable or most worthy of admiration. But by regarding certain habits or attitudes as most respectable, a society admits the superiority, the superior dignity, of those human beings who most perfectly embody the habits or attitudes in question. That is to say, every society regards a specific human type (or a specific mixture of human types) as authoritative. When the authoritative type is the common man, everything has to justify itself before the tribunal of the common man; everything which cannot be justified before that tribunal becomes, at best, merely tolerated, if not despised or suspect. And even those who do not recognize that tribunal are, willy-nilly, molded by its verdicts.”

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Fonte: Natural Right and History (1953), p. 137

“Political philosophy was concerned with the best or just order of society which is by nature best or just everywhere or always, while politics is concerned with the being and well-being of this or that particular society (a polis, a nation, an empire) that is in being at a given place for some time.”

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Philosophy as Rigorous Science and Political Philosophy (1971)

“We somehow believe that our point of view is superior, higher than those of the greatest minds—either because our point of view is that of our time, and our time, being later than the time of the greatest minds, can be presumed to be superior to their times; or else because we believe that each the greatest minds was right from his point of view, but not, as he claims, simply right.”

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“What is liberal education,” pp. 7-8
Liberalism Ancient and Modern (1968)

“The philosophy of Kant's great successors was consciously a synthesis of Spinoza's and Kant's philosophies. Spinoza's characteristic contribution to this synthesis was a novel conception of God. He thus showed the way toward a new religion or religiousness which was to inspire a wholly new kind of society, a new kind of Church.”

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Preface
Spinoza's Critique of Religion (1965)

“For a philosophy based on faith is no longer philosophy. Perhaps it was this unresolved conflict which has prevented Western thought from ever coming to rest. Perhaps it is this conflict which is at the bottom of a kind of thought which is philosophic indeed but no longer Greek: modern philosophy. It is in trying to understand modern philosophy that we come across Machiavelli. Machiavelli is the only political thinker whose name has come into common use for designating a kind of politics, which exists and will continue to exist independently of his influence, a politics guided exclusively by considerations of 'expediency, which uses all means, fair or foul, iron or poison, for achieving its ends-its end being the ag grandizement of one's country or fatherland-but also using the father land in the service of the self-aggrandizement of the politician or statesman or one's party.”

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"Niccolo Machiavelli" (1987)

“The belief that value judgments are not subject, in the last analysis, to rational control, encourages the inclination to make irresponsible assertions regarding right and wrong or good and bad. One evades discussion of serious issues by the simple device of passing them off as value problems, whereas, to say the least, many of these conflicts arose out of man’s very agreement regarding values.”

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Fonte: What is Political Philosophy (1959), p. 23

“By becoming aware of the dignity of the mind, we realize the true ground of the dignity of man and therewith the goodness of the world, whither we understand it as created or uncreated, which is the home of man because it is the home of the human mind.”

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“What is liberal education,” p. 8
Liberalism Ancient and Modern (1968)

“Liberal education is liberation from vulgarity. The Greeks had a beautiful word for “vulgarity”; they called it apeirokalia, lack of experience in things beautiful. Liberal education supplies us with experience in things beautiful.”

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“What is liberal education,” p. 8
Liberalism Ancient and Modern (1968)

“A mass culture is a culture which can be appropriated by the meanest capacities without any intellectual or moral effort whatsoever. … Liberal education is the counterpoison to mass culture, to the corroding effects of mass culture, to its inherent tendency to produce nothing but “specialists without spirit or vision and voluptuaries without heart.””

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“What is liberal education,” p. 5 [The phrase “specialists without spirit or vision and voluptuaries without heart.” is from Max Weber]
Liberalism Ancient and Modern (1968)

“Nietzsche is never boring. He is always interesting, exciting, thrilling, glittering, breathtaking. He possesses a kind of brilliance and tempo which I believe was unknown in former times.”

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Seminar on Nietzsche's Beyond Good and Evil (1971–1972)

“We believe that failing to call a spade a spade is not scientific.”

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Leo Strauss livro Thoughts on Machiavelli

Fonte: Thoughts on Machiavelli (1958), p. 50

“An exoteric book contains then two teachings: a popular teaching of an edifying character, which is in the foreground; and a philosophic teaching concerning the most important subject, which is indicated only between the lines.”

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Leo Strauss livro Persecution and the Art of Writing

Fonte: Persecution and the Art of Writing (1952), Persecution and the Art of Writing, p. 36

“When speaking of a “body of knowledge” or of “the results of research,” e. g., we tacitly assign the same cognitive status to inherited knowledge and to independently acquired knowledge. To counteract this tendency a special effort is required to transform inherited knowledge into genuine knowledge by revitalizing its original discovery, and to discriminate between the genuine and the spurious elements of what claims to be inherited knowledge.”

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Fonte: What is Political Philosophy (1959), p. 77

“To avert the danger [posed by theory] to life, Nietzsche could choose one of two ways: he could insist on the strictly esoteric character of the theoretical analysis of life—that is, restore the Platonic notion of the noble delusion—or else he could deny the possibility of theory proper and so conceive of thought as essentially subservient to, or dependent on, life or fate… If not Nietzsche himself, at any rate his successors [Heidegger] adopted the second alternative.”

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Fonte: Natural Right and History (1953), p. 26

“Nothing ought to be said or done which could create the impression that unbiased reconsideration of the most elementary premises of philosophy is a merely academic or historical affair.”

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Fonte: Natural Right and History (1953), p. 31

“Liberal education, which consists in the constant intercourse with the greatest minds, is a training in the highest form of modesty. … It is at the same time a training in boldness. … It demands from us the boldness implied in the resolve to regard the accepted views as mere opinions, or to regard the average opinions as extreme opinions which are at least as likely to be wrong as the most strange or least popular opinions”

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“What is liberal education,” p. 8
Liberalism Ancient and Modern (1968)

“In order to see the relation between philosophy as rigorous science and the alternative to it clearly, one must look at the political conflict between the two antagonists, i. e. at the essential character of that conflict.”

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Philosophy as Rigorous Science and Political Philosophy (1971)

““Our ideas” are only partly our ideas. Most of our ideas are abbreviations or residues of the thought of other people, of our teachers (in the broadest sense of the term) and of our teachers’ teachers; they are abbreviations and residues of the thought of the past. These thoughts were once explicit and in the center of consideration and discussion. It may even be presumed that they were once perfectly lucid. By being transmitted to later generations they have possibly been transformed, and there is no certainty that the transformation was effected consciously and with full clarity. … This means that the clarification of our political ideas insensibly changes into and becomes indistinguishable from the history of political ideas.”

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Fonte: What is Political Philosophy (1959), p. 73

“Society did not recognize philosophy or the right of philosophizing. There was no harmony between philosophy and society. The philosophers were very far from being exponents of society or of parties. They defended the interests of philosophy and of nothing else. In doing this, they believed indeed that they were defending the highest interests of mankind. The exoteric teaching was needed for protecting philosophy. It was the armor in which philosophy had to appear. It was needed for political reasons. It was the form in which philosophy became visible to the political community. It was the political aspect of philosophy. It was "political" philosophy.”

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Leo Strauss livro Persecution and the Art of Writing

Persecution and the Art of Writing (1952), Introduction

“[The philosopher] is ultimately compelled to transcend not merely the dimensions of common opinion, of political opinion, but the dimension of political life as such; for he is left to realize that the ultimate aim of political life cannot be reached by political life, but only by a life devoted to contemplation, to philosophy.”

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Fonte: What is Political Philosophy (1959), p. 91

“Philosophizing means, then, to ascend from public dogma to essentially private knowledge.”

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Fonte: Natural Right and History (1953), p. 12

“The Euthyphron then gives us a two-fold presentation of piety. First, a discussion of what piety is. Secondly, a presentation of the problem of Socrates' piety.”

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An Untitled Lecture on Plato's Euthyphron (1996)

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