Frases de Calvin Coolidge
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John Calvin Coolidge, Jr. foi o 30º presidente dos Estados Unidos. Um advogado Republicano de Vermont, Coolidge aos poucos subiu na política de Massachusetts até tornar-se governador. Sua conduta durante a Greve dos Policiais de Boston em 1919 lhe deu proeminência nacional e uma reputação de homem de medidas decisivas. Pouco depois, em 1920, ele foi eleito o 29º vice-presidente dos Estados Unidos, ascendendo à presidência após a repentina morte do presidente Warren G. Harding em 1923. Reeleito em 1924, ele ganhou a reputação de conservador e de alguém de poucas palavras.

Coolidge restaurou a confiança do público na Casa Branca após os escândalos que marcaram a administração de seu antecessor, deixando o cargo com certa popularidade. Como um de seus biógrafos escreveu, "Ele incorporava os espíritos e esperanças da classe média, conseguia interpretar seus anseios e expressar suas opiniões. A prova mais convincente de sua força foi que ele representou o gênio da média". Coolidge elogiou em 1928 a conquista da prosperidade generalizada, dizendo "Os requisitos de existência passaram além do padrão de necessidade para a região de luxo". Alguns posteriormente o criticaram como parte de um governo laissez-faire. Sua reputação ressurgiu durante a presidência de Ronald Reagan, porém a avaliação decisiva de sua administração ainda está dividida entre aqueles que aprovam sua redução dos programas governamentais e aqueles que acreditam que seu governo deveria ter se envolvido mais na regulação e controle da economia. Wikipedia  

✵ 4. Julho 1872 – 5. Janeiro 1933
Calvin Coolidge photo
Calvin Coolidge: 424   citações 11   Curtidas

Calvin Coolidge Frases famosas

“A procura massiça foi criada quase totalmente pelo desenvolvimento da publicidade.”

Variante: A procura maciça foi criada quase totalmente pelo desenvolvimento da publicidade.

“O natal não é um período e nem uma estação, é um estado de espírito.”

To cherish peace and goodwill, to be plenteous in mercy, is to have the real spirit of Christmas.
Calvin Coolidge como citado in: Canadian Florist - Volumes 39-40 - Página 6, W. G. Tolton, 1944
Atribuídas

Citações de paz de Calvin Coolidge

Calvin Coolidge: Frases em inglês

“One of the most natural of reactions during the war was intolerance. But the inevitable disregard for the opinions and feelings of minorities is none the less a disturbing product of war psychology. The slow and difficult advances which tolerance and liberalism have made through long periods of development are dissipated almost in a night when the necessary war-time habits of thought hold the minds of the people. The necessity for a common purpose and a united intellectual front becomes paramount to everything else. But when the need for such a solidarity is past there should be a quick and generous readiness to revert to the old and normal habits of thought. There should be an intellectual demobilization as well as a military demobilization. Progress depends very largely on the encouragement of variety. Whatever tends to standardize the community, to establish fixed and rigid modes of thought, tends to fossilize society. If we all believed the same thing and thought the same thoughts and applied the same valuations to all the occurrences about us, we should reach a state of equilibrium closely akin to an intellectual and spiritual paralysis. It is the ferment of ideas, the clash of disagreeing judgments, the privilege of the individual to develop his own thoughts and shape his own character, that makes progress possible. It is not possible to learn much from those who uniformly agree with us. But many useful things are learned from those who disagree with us; and even when we can gain nothing our differences are likely to do us no harm. In this period of after-war rigidity, suspicion, and intolerance our own country has not been exempt from unfortunate experiences. Thanks to our comparative isolation, we have known less of the international frictions and rivalries than some other countries less fortunately situated. But among some of the varying racial, religious, and social groups of our people there have been manifestations of an intolerance of opinion, a narrowness to outlook, a fixity of judgment, against which we may well be warned. It is not easy to conceive of anything that would be more unfortunate in a community based upon the ideals of which Americans boast than any considerable development of intolerance as regards religion. To a great extent this country owes its beginnings to the determination of our hardy ancestors to maintain complete freedom in religion. Instead of a state church we have decreed that every citizen shall be free to follow the dictates of his own conscience as to his religious beliefs and affiliations. Under that guaranty we have erected a system which certainly is justified by its fruits. Under no other could we have dared to invite the peoples of all countries and creeds to come here and unite with us in creating the State of which we are all citizens.”

1920s, Toleration and Liberalism (1925)

“We have been attempting to relieve ourselves and the other nations from the old theory of competitive armaments. In spite of all the arguments in favor of great military forces, no nation ever had an army large enough to guarantee it against attack in time of peace or to insure its victory in time of war. No nation ever will. Peace and security are more likely to result from fair and honorable dealings, and mutual agreements for a limitation of armaments among nations, than by any attempt at competition in squadrons and battalions. No doubt this country could, if it wished to spend more money, make a better military force, but that is only part of the problem which confronts our Government. The real question is whether spending more money to make a better military force would really make a better country. I would be the last to disparage the military art. It is an honorable and patriotic calling of the highest rank. But I can see no merit in any unnecessary expenditure of money to hire men to build fleets and carry muskets when international relations and agreements permit the turning of such resources into the making of good roads, the building of better homes, the promotion of education, and all the other arts of peace which minister to the advancement of human welfare. Happily, the position of our country is such among the other nations of the world that we have been and shall be warranted in proceeding in this direction.”

1920s, Toleration and Liberalism (1925)

“Anybody can reduce taxes, but it is not so easy to stand in the gap and resist the passage of increasing appropriation bills which would make tax reduction impossible. It will be very easy to measure the strength of the attachment to reduced taxation by the power with which increased appropriations are resisted. If at the close of the present session the Congress has kept within the budget which I propose to present, it will then be possible to have a moderate amount of tax reduction and all the tax reform that the Congress may wish for during the next fiscal year. The country is now feeling the direct stimulus which came from the passage of the last revenue bill, and under the assurance of a reasonable system of taxation there is every prospect of an era of prosperity of unprecedented proportions. But it would be idle to expect any such results unless business can continue free from excess profits taxation and be accorded a system of surtaxes at rates which have for their object not the punishment of success or the discouragement of business, but the production of the greatest amount of revenue from large incomes. I am convinced that the larger incomes of the country would actually yield more revenue to the Government if the basis of taxation were scientifically revised downward. Moreover the effect of the present method of this taxation is to increase the cost of interest. on productive enterprise and to increase the burden of rent. It is altogether likely that such reduction would so encourage and stimulate investment that it would firmly establish our country in the economic leadership of the world.”

1920s, Second State of the Union Address (1924)

“In dealing with our military problems there is one principle that is exceedingly important. Our institutions are founded not on military power but on civil authority. We are irrevocably committed to the theory of a government by the people. We have our constitutions and our laws, our executives, our legislatures, and our courts, but ultimately we are governed by public opinion. Our forefathers had seen so much of militarism, and suffered so much from it, that they desired to banish it forever. They believed and declared in at least one of their State constitutions that the military power should be subordinate to and governed by the civil authority. It is for this reason that any organization of men in the military service bent on inflaming the public mind for the purpose of forcing Government action through the pressure of public opinion is an exceedingly dangerous undertaking and precedent. This is so whatever form it might take, whether it be for the purpose of influencing the Executive, the legislature, or the heads of departments. It is for the civil authority to determine what appropriations shall be granted, what appointments shall be made, and what rules shall be adopted for the conduct of its armed forces. Whenever the military power starts dictating to the civil authority, by whatsoever means adopted, the liberties of the country are beginning to end. National defense should at all times be supported, but any form of militarism should be resisted.”

1920s, Toleration and Liberalism (1925)

“There is no right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, any time.”

Telegram to AFL president Samuel Gompers (14 September 1919); concerning the 1919 Boston Police strike.
1910s, Telegram to Samuel Gompers (1919)

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