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Emma Goldman

Data de nascimento: 27. Junho 1868
Data de falecimento: 14. Maio 1940
Outros nomes: ايما گولڊمين, ఎమ్మా గోల్డ్‌మేన్

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Emma Goldman foi uma anarquista lituana, conhecida por seu ativismo, seus escritos políticos e conferências que reuniam milhares de pessoas nos Estados Unidos. Teve um papel fundamental no desenvolvimento do anarquismo na América do Norte na primeira metade do século XX.

Goldman nasceu em Kovno , na Lituânia - que era, então, parte do Império Russo. Emigrou para os Estados Unidos em 1885 e viveu em Nova Iorque, onde conheceu e passou a fazer parte do florescente movimento anarquista. Atraída pelo anarquismo após a Revolta de Haymarket, Goldman tornou-se uma renomada ensaísta de filosofia anarquista e escritora, escrevendo artigos anticapitalistas bem como sobre a emancipação da mulher, problemas sociais e a luta sindical. Ela e o escritor anarquista Alexander Berkman, seu amante e companheiro por toda vida, planejaram assassinar Henry Clay Frick como uma ação de propaganda pelo ato. Embora Frick tenha sobrevivido ao atentado, Berkman foi sentenciado a vinte e dois anos na cadeia. Goldman foi presa várias vezes nos anos que se seguiram, por "incentivar motins" e ilegalmente distribuir informações sobre contracepção. Em 1906, Goldman fundou o jornal anarquista Mother Earth .Em 1917, Goldman e Berkman foram sentenciados a dois anos na cadeia por conspirarem para "induzir pessoas a não se alistarem" no serviço militar obrigatório, que havia sido recentemente instituído nos Estados Unidos. Depois de serem soltos da prisão, foram novamente presos - junto com centenas de outros progressistas - sendo deportados para a Rússia. Inicialmente simpatizantes da Revolução Bolchevique daquele país, Goldman rapidamente expressou sua oposição ao uso de violência dos sovietes e à repressão das vozes independentes. Em 1923, ela escreveu sobre suas experiências entre os bolcheviques, dando forma ao livro Minha Desilusão na Rússia . Enquanto viveu em Inglaterra, Canadá e França escreveu uma autobiografia chamada Vivendo Minha Vida . Com o início da Guerra Civil Espanhola, em 1936, Emma, já com mais de 60 anos, viajou até a Espanha para apoiar a Revolução Anarquista.Durante sua vida, Goldman foi celebrada por seus admiradores, como uma livre pensadora e "mulher rebelde", e achincalhada pelos adversários, como sendo defensora de assassinatos políticos e revoluções violentas. Seus escritos e conferências abrangeram uma variedade de assuntos, incluindo o sistema prisional, ateísmo, liberdade de expressão, militarismo, capitalismo, casamento e emancipação das mulheres. Também desenvolveu novas formas de incorporar políticas de gênero no anarquismo.

Emma Goldman faleceu na cidade de Toronto, no Canadá em 14 de Maio de 1940.

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Citações Emma Goldman

„Se eu não puder dançar, não quero ser parte de sua revolução!“

—  Emma Goldman, livro Vivendo Minha Vida
If I can't dance, I don't want to be part of your revolution. "Living my life‎" - Página lvii, Emma Goldman - Penguin Group, 2006, ISBN 0142437859, 9780142437858 - 593 páginas

„A tendência inerente do Estado é concentrar, estreitar e monopolizar todas as atividades sociais; A natureza da revolução é, ao contrário, crescer, ampliar-se e disseminar-se em círculos cada vez mais amplos. Em outras palavras, o Estado é institucional e estático; A revolução é fluente, dinâmica.“

—  Emma Goldman, livro Minha Desilusão na Rússia
The inherent tendency of the State is to concentrate, to narrow, and monopolize all social activities; the nature of revolution is, on the contrary, to grow, to broaden, and disseminate itself in ever-wider circles. In other words, the State is institutional and static; revolution is fluent, dynamic. :No manuscrito "My Two Years in Russia" "My Disillusionment with Russia" http://www.ditext.com/goldman/russia/russia.html (1923), posteriormente em "My Further Disillusionment with Russia" http://www.panarchy.org/goldman/russia.1924.html (1924) e finalmente em um único volume incluindo as duas obras em (1925).

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„Alguém disse que exige menos esforço mental para condenar do que para pensar.“

—  Emma Goldman
Someone has said that it requires less mental effort to condemn than to think. Anarchism: What It Really Stands For (1910) http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_archives/goldman/aando/anarchism.html

„O anarquismo é a única filosofia que traz ao homem a consciência de si mesmo; A qual sustenta que Deus, o Estado e a sociedade são inexistentes, que suas promessas são nulas e sem efeito, pois só podem ser cumpridas mediante a subordinação do homem.“

—  Emma Goldman
Anarchism is the only philosophy which brings to man the consciousness of himself; which maintains that God, the State, and society are non-existent, that their promises are null and void, since they can be fullfilled only through man's subordination. Anarchism: What is Really Stands For http://books.google.com/books?id=U5ZYAAAAMAAJ&q="Anarchism+is+the+only+philosophy+which+brings+to+man+the+consciousness+of+himself+which+maintains+that+God+the+State+and+society+are+non-existent+that+their+promises+are+null+and+void+since+they+can+be+fullfilled+only+through+man's+subordination"&pg=PA58#v=onepage (1910)

„Se votar fizesse alguma diferença, fariam-no ilegal.“

—  Emma Goldman
If voting changed anything, they'd make it illegal. citado em "Southern exposure", Volumes 28-30‎ http://books.google.com.br/books?id=a5ZIAAAAYAAJ - Página 3, Julian Bond, Institute for Southern Studies - Institute for Southern Studies, 2000

„I did not believe that a Cause which stood for a beautiful ideal, for anarchism, for release and freedom from convention and prejudice, should demand the denial of life and joy. I insisted that our Cause could not expect me to become a nun and that the movement would not be turned into a cloister. If it meant that, I did not want it. "I want freedom, the right to self-expression, everybody's right to beautiful, radiant things." Anarchism meant that to me, and I would live it in spite of the whole world — prisons, persecution, everything. Yes, even in spite of the condemnation of my own closest comrades I would live my beautiful ideal.“

—  Emma Goldman, livro Vivendo Minha Vida
Living My Life (1931), Context: At the dances I was one of the most untiring and gayest. One evening a cousin of Sasha, a young boy, took me aside. With a grave face, as if he were about to announce the death of a dear comrade, he whispered to me that it did not behoove an agitator to dance. Certainly not with such reckless abandon, anyway. It was undignified for one who was on the way to become a force in the anarchist movement. My frivolity would only hurt the Cause. I grew furious at the impudent interference of the boy. I told him to mind his own business. I was tired of having the Cause constantly thrown into my face. I did not believe that a Cause which stood for a beautiful ideal, for anarchism, for release and freedom from convention and prejudice, should demand the denial of life and joy. I insisted that our Cause could not expect me to become a nun and that the movement would not be turned into a cloister. If it meant that, I did not want it. "I want freedom, the right to self-expression, everybody's right to beautiful, radiant things." Anarchism meant that to me, and I would live it in spite of the whole world — prisons, persecution, everything. Yes, even in spite of the condemnation of my own closest comrades I would live my beautiful ideal. (p. 56) This incident was the source of a statement commonly attributed to Goldman that occurs in several variants: If I can't dance, it's not my revolution! If I can't dance, I don't want your revolution! If I can't dance, I don't want to be part of your revolution. A revolution without dancing is not a revolution worth having. If there won't be dancing at the revolution, I'm not coming.

„Revolution, on the contrary, signifies not mere external change, but internal, basic, fundamental change. That internal change of concepts and ideas, permeating ever-larger social strata,“

—  Emma Goldman, livro Minha Desilusão na Rússia
My Disillusionment in Russia (1923), Context: Its first ethical precept is the identity of means used and aims sought. The ultimate end of all revolutionary social change is to establish the sanctity of human life, the dignity of man, the right of every human being to liberty and wellbeing. Unless this be the essential aim of revolution, violent social changes would have no justification. For external social alterations can be, and have been, accomplished by the normal processes of evolution. Revolution, on the contrary, signifies not mere external change, but internal, basic, fundamental change. That internal change of concepts and ideas, permeating ever-larger social strata, finally culminates in the violent upheaval known as revolution.

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„Its first ethical precept is the identity of means used and aims sought. The ultimate end of all revolutionary social change is to establish the sanctity of human life, the dignity of man, the right of every human being to liberty and wellbeing.“

—  Emma Goldman, livro Minha Desilusão na Rússia
My Disillusionment in Russia (1923), Context: Its first ethical precept is the identity of means used and aims sought. The ultimate end of all revolutionary social change is to establish the sanctity of human life, the dignity of man, the right of every human being to liberty and wellbeing. Unless this be the essential aim of revolution, violent social changes would have no justification. For external social alterations can be, and have been, accomplished by the normal processes of evolution. Revolution, on the contrary, signifies not mere external change, but internal, basic, fundamental change. That internal change of concepts and ideas, permeating ever-larger social strata, finally culminates in the violent upheaval known as revolution.

„The inherent tendency of the State is to concentrate, to narrow, and monopolize all social activities; the nature of revolution is, on the contrary, to grow, to broaden, and disseminate itself in ever-wider circles. In other words, the State is institutional and static; revolution is fluent, dynamic.“

—  Emma Goldman, livro Minha Desilusão na Rússia
My Disillusionment in Russia (1923), Context: The STATE IDEA, the authoritarian principle, has been proven bankrupt by the experience of the Russian Revolution. If I were to sum up my whole argument in one sentence I should say: The inherent tendency of the State is to concentrate, to narrow, and monopolize all social activities; the nature of revolution is, on the contrary, to grow, to broaden, and disseminate itself in ever-wider circles. In other words, the State is institutional and static; revolution is fluent, dynamic. These two tendencies are incompatible and mutually destructive. The State idea killed the Russian Revolution and it must have the same result in all other revolutions, unless the libertarian idea prevail.

„Love, the strongest and deepest element in all life, the harbinger of hope, of joy, of ecstasy; love, the defier of all laws, of all conventions; love, the freest, the most powerful moulder of human destiny; how can such an all-compelling force be synonymous with that poor little State and Church-begotten weed, marriage?
Free love? As if love is anything but free!“

—  Emma Goldman
Context: Love, the strongest and deepest element in all life, the harbinger of hope, of joy, of ecstasy; love, the defier of all laws, of all conventions; love, the freest, the most powerful moulder of human destiny; how can such an all-compelling force be synonymous with that poor little State and Church-begotten weed, marriage? Free love? As if love is anything but free! Man has bought brains, but all the millions in the world have failed to buy love. Man has subdued bodies, but all the power on earth has been unable to subdue love. Man has conquered whole nations, but all his armies could not conquer love. Man has chained and fettered the spirit, but he has been utterly helpless before love. High on a throne, with all the splendor and pomp his gold can command, man is yet poor and desolate, if love passes him by. And if it stays, the poorest hovel is radiant with warmth, with life and color. Thus love has the magic power to make of a beggar a king. Yes, love is free; it can dwell in no other atmosphere. "Marriage and Love" in Anarchism and Other Essays (1911)

„Perhaps even more than constituted authority, it is social uniformity and sameness that harass the individual most.“

—  Emma Goldman
Context: Perhaps even more than constituted authority, it is social uniformity and sameness that harass the individual most. His very "uniqueness," "separateness" and "differentiation" make him an alien, not only in his native place, but even in his own home. Often more so than the foreign born who generally falls in with the established. "The Individual, Society and the State" (1940) http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/goldman/works/1940/individual.htm

„It is everywhere present, in habits, tastes, dress, thoughts and ideas.“

—  Emma Goldman
Context: The strongest bulwark of authority is uniformity; the least divergence from it is the greatest crime. The wholesale mechanisation of modern life has increased uniformity a thousandfold. It is everywhere present, in habits, tastes, dress, thoughts and ideas. Its most concentrated dullness is "public opinion." Few have the courage to stand out against it. He who refuses to submit is at once labelled "queer," "different," and decried as a disturbing element in the comfortable stagnancy of modern life. "The Individual, Society and the State" (1940) http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/goldman/works/1940/individual.htm

„After all, it means thirteen dollars per month, three meals a day, and a place to sleep. Yet even necessity is not sufficiently strong a factor to bring into the army an element of character and manhood.“

—  Emma Goldman
What is Patriotism? (1908), Context: Our writer claims that militarism can never become such a power in America as abroad, since it is voluntary with us, while compulsory in the Old World. Two very important facts, however, the gentleman forgets to consider. First, that conscription has created in Europe a deep-seated hatred of militarism among all classes of society. Thousands of young recruits enlist under protest and, once in the army, they will use every possible means to desert. Second, that it is the compulsory feature of militarism which has created a tremendous anti-militarist movement, feared by European Powers far more than anything else. After all, the greatest bulwark of capitalism is militarism. The very moment the latter is undermined, capitalism will totter. True, we have no conscription; that is, men are not usually forced to enlist in the army, but we have developed a far more exacting and rigid force--necessity. Is it not a fact that during industrial depressions there is a tremendous increase in the number of enlistments? The trade of militarism may not be either lucrative or honorable, but it is better than tramping the country in search of work, standing in the bread line, or sleeping in municipal lodging houses. After all, it means thirteen dollars per month, three meals a day, and a place to sleep. Yet even necessity is not sufficiently strong a factor to bring into the army an element of character and manhood. No wonder our military authorities complain of the "poor material" enlisting in the army and navy. This admission is a very encouraging sign. It proves that there is still enough of the spirit of independence and love of liberty left in the average American to risk starvation rather than don the uniform.

„Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetuer adipiscing elit. Etiam egestas wisi a erat. Morbi imperdiet, mauris ac auctor dictum.“

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