Frases de William O. Douglas
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William Orville Douglas foi um jurista e político estado-unidense que atuou como Juiz Associado da Suprema Corte dos Estados Unidos. Indicado pelo presidente Franklin D. Roosevelt, Douglas foi confirmado pelo aos 40 anos de idade, sendo um dos juízes mais jovens a entrar na Suprema Corte. Seu mandato, que foi de trinta e seis anos e duzentos e onze dias , é o mais longo da história da Suprema Corte. Em 1975, a Revista Time chamou Douglas de "o libertário mais doutrinador e comprometido que já chegou a estar na corte".Após passar a sua infância como um itinerante, Douglas estudou na Whitman College através de uma bolsa de estudos. Ele se formou na Columbia Law School em 1925 e se juntou ao corpo docente da Yale Law School. Após servir como o terceiro presidente da Comissão de Títulos e Câmbio, Douglas foi nomeado de forma bem sucedida para a Suprema Corte, sucedendo o juiz associado Louis Brandeis. Ele foi seriamente considerado como um candidato para vice-presidente da candidatura democrata na eleição presidencial de 1944 e pressionado de forma mal sucedida para se candidatar na eleição de 1948. Douglas trabalhou na Suprema Corte até a sua aposentadoria em 1975, e foi sucedido por succeeded by John Paul Stevens. Douglas possui inúmeros recordes como juiz associado, incluindo o de maior número de opiniões em casos na corte.

Douglas escreveu a opinião da ala majoritária da corte em casos importantes; tais como Griswold v. Connecticut, United States v. Paramount Pictures, Inc., Brady v. Maryland e Terminiello v. City of Chicago. Ele também escreveu opiniões dissidentes em casos como Dennis v. United States, Brandenburg v. Ohio, e Terry v. Ohio. Ele também era conhecido por ser um opositor ferrenho da Guerra do Vietnã e um forte advogado do ambientalismo. Wikipedia  

✵ 16. Outubro 1898 – 19. Janeiro 1980
William O. Douglas photo
William O. Douglas: 52   citações 0   Curtidas

William O. Douglas: Frases em inglês

“One aspect of modern life which has gone far to stifle men is the rapid growth of tremendous corporations. Enormous spiritual sacrifices are made in the transformation of shopkeepers into employees… The disappearance of free enterprise has led to a submergence of the individual in the impersonal corporation in much the same manner as he has been submerged in the state in other lands.”

Speech at annual dinner of Fordham University Alumni Association, New York City (February 9, 1939), reported in James Allen, Democracy and Finance (1940, reprinted 1969), p. 291. This was Douglas's last speech as chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission before his appointment to the Supreme Court.
Other speeches and writings

“The Constitution is not neutral. It was designed to take the government off the backs of people.”

The Court years, 1939-1975: The Autobiography of William O. Douglas‎ (1980), p. 8
Other speeches and writings

“We need to be bold and adventurous in our thinking in order to survive.”

Dissenting, Adler v. Board of Education of City of New York, 342 U.S. 511 (1952)
Judicial opinions

“The law is not a series of calculating machines where answers come tumbling out when the right levers are pushed.”

"The Dissent: A Safeguard of Democracy," 32 Journal of the American Judicial Society 104, 105 (1948).
Other speeches and writings

“The whole, though larger than any of its parts, does not necessarily obscure their separate identities.”

Writing for the court, United States v. Powers, 307 U.S. 214 (1939)
Judicial opinions

“We have here the problem of bigness. Its lesson should by now have been burned into our memory by Brandeis. The Curse of Bigness' shows how size can become a menace – both industrial and social. It can be an industrial menace because it creates gross inequalities against existing or putative competitors. It can be a social menace – because of its control of prices. Control of prices in the steel industry is powerful leverage on our economy. For the price of steel determines the price of hundreds of other articles. Our price level determines in large measure whether we have prosperity or depression – an economy of abundance or scarcity. Size in steel should therefore be jealously watched. In final analysis, size in steel is the measure of the power of a handful of men over our economy. That power can be utilized with lightning speed. It can be benign or it can be dangerous. The philosophy of the Sherman Act is that it should not exist. For all power tends to develop into a government in itself. Power that controls the economy should be in the hands of elected representatives of the people, not in the hands of an industrial oligarchy. Industrial power should be decentralized. It should be scattered into many hands so that the fortunes of the people will not be dependent on the whim or caprice, the political prejudices, the emotional stability of a few self-appointed men. The fact that they are not vicious men but respectable and social minded is irrelevant. That is the philosophy and the command of the Sherman Act. It is founded on a theory of hostility to the concentration in private hands of power so great that only a government of the people should have it.”

Dissenting, United States v. Columbia Steel Co., 334 U.S. 495 (1948)
Judicial opinions