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Joseph Stiglitz

Data de nascimento: 9. Fevereiro 1943
Outros nomes:Joseph Eugene Stiglitz


Joseph Eugene Stiglitz é um economista estadunidense.

Foi presidente do Conselho de Assessores Econômicos no governo do Presidente Bill Clinton , Vice-Presidente Sênior para Políticas de Desenvolvimento do Banco Mundial, onde se tornou o seu economista chefe. Recebeu, juntamente com A. Michael Spence e George A. Akerlof, o Prémio de Ciências Económicas em Memória de Alfred Nobel, também designado por "Prémio Nobel de Economia" em 2001 "por criar os fundamentos da teoria dos mercados com informações assimétricas". Stiglitz defende a nacionalização dos bancos americanos e é membro da Comissão Socialista Internacional de Questões Financeiras Globais.

Stiglitz formou-se no Amherst College , em Amherst, Massachusetts, e no Massachusetts Institute of Technology , em Cambridge, Massachusets. O estilo acadêmico característico do MIT - modelos simples e concretos, que objectivam responder questões econômicas relevantes - agradou a Stiglitz e muito contribuiu para o desenvolvimento do seu trabalho posterior. Foi agraciado pela Fullbright Comission com uma bolsa de estudos para Cambridge, onde estudou de 1965 a 1966. Stiglitz lecionou em várias importantes universidades americanas, dentre elas Yale, Harvard e Stanford. Em 2001 Stiglitz tornou-se professor de economia, administração de empresas e negócios internacionais na Columbia University em Nova York.

Citações Joseph Stiglitz


„1. The standard neoclassical model the formal articulation of Adam Smith's invisible hand, the contention that market economies will ensure economic efficiency provides little guidance for the choice of economic systems, since once information imperfections (and the fact that markets are incomplete) are brought into the analysis, as surely they must be, there is no presumption that markets are efficient.
2. The Lange-Lerner-Taylor theorem, asserting the equivalence of market and market socialist economies, is based on a misguided view of the market, of the central problems of resource allocation, and (not surprisingly, given the first two failures) of how the market addresses those basic problems.
3. The neoclassical paradigm, through its incorrect characterization of the market economies and the central problems of resource allocation, provides a false sense of belief in the ability of market socialism to solve those resource allocation problems. To put it another way, if the neoclassical paradigm had provided a good description of the resource allocation problem and the market mechanism, then market socialism might well have been a success. The very criticisms of market socialism are themselves, to a large extent, criticisms of the neoclassical paradigm.
4. The central economic issues go beyond the traditional three questions posed at the beginning of every introductory text: What is to be produced? How is it to be produced? And for whom is it to be produced? Among the broader set of questions are: How should these resource allocation decisions be made? Who should make these decisions? How can those who are responsible for making these decisions be induced to make the right decisions? How are they to know what and how much information to acquire before making the decisions? How can the separate decisions of the millions of actors decision makers in the economy be coordinated?
5. At the core of the success of market economies are competition, markets, and decentralization. It is possible to have these, and for the government to still play a large role in the economy; indeed it may be necessary for the government to play a large role if competition is to be preserved. There has recently been extensive confusion over to what to attribute the East Asian miracle, the amazingly rapid growth in countries of this region during the past decade or two. Countries like Korea did make use of markets; they were very export oriented. And because markets played such an important role, some observers concluded that their success was convincing evidence of the power of markets alone. Yet in almost every case, government played a major role in these economies. While Wade may have put it too strongly when he entitled his book on the Taiwan success Governing the Market, there is little doubt that government intervened in the economy through the market.
6. At the core of the failure of the socialist experiment is not just the lack of property rights. Equally important were the problems arising from lack of incentives and competition, not only in the sphere of economics but also in politics. Even more important perhaps were problems of information. Hayek was right, of course, in emphasizing that the information problems facing a central planner were overwhelming. I am not sure that Hayek fully appreciated the range of information problems. If they were limited to the kinds of information problems that are at the center of the Arrow-Debreu model consumers conveying their preferences to firms, and scarcity values being communicated both to firms and consumers then market socialism would have worked. Lange would have been correct that by using prices, the socialist economy could "solve" the information problem just as well as the market could. But problems of information are broader.“

—  Joseph E. Stiglitz
Ch. 1 : The Theory of Socialism and the Power of Economic Ideas

„The reason that the invisible hand often seems invisible is that it is often not there.“

—  Joseph E. Stiglitz
Quoted in Daniel Altman, "Managing Globalization: Q & A with Joseph Stiglitz", The International Herald Tribune (2006-10-11).

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„They [free market policies] were never based on solid empirical and theoretical foundations, and even as many of these policies were being pushed, academic economists were explaining the limitations of markets — for instance, whenever information is imperfect, which is to say always.“

—  Joseph E. Stiglitz
"Bleakonomics" The New York Times Sunday Book Review (2007-09-30).

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