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Anthony James Gregor é um professor emérito de ciência política da Universidade da Califórnia, em Berkeley, reconhecido pelos seus estudos sobre fascismo, marxismo e segurança nacional. Gregor foi partícipe de um movimento de jovens estudantes na década de 1960 que rejeitou a interpretação tradicional do fascismo como sendo um fim em si mesmo, vazio de ideologia, reacionário e anti-moderno. Demonstrou a grande contribuição do fascismo italiano para as correntes ideológicas europeias nos campos da sociologia e da teoria política. Gregor enfatiza a coerência do fascismo como uma verdadeira teoria sociológica bem como de estado, e argumenta que o fascismo exerceu um papel revolucionário e modernizador na história europeia. Sua teoria sobre o fascismo genérico retrata-o como uma forma de “ditadura desenvolvimentista”. Gregor escreveu um influente e amplo estudo sobre os modelos teóricos existentes de fascismo. Segundo Zeev Sternhell, “o professor Gregor é um dos raros especialistas em Fascismo italiano a dar uma contribuição realmente original ao estudo do assunto.” Wikipedia  

✵ 2. Abril 1929 – 30. Agosto 2019
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A. James Gregor: 64   citações 0   Curtidas

A. James Gregor: Frases em inglês

“By the time of the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Marxist theoreticians had begun to evaluate fascism in a totally unanticipated fashion... More than that, as Marxist theorists were compelled to reinterpret fascism in the light of empirical evidence and political circumstances, the fundamental affinities shared by Marxist and fascist regimes became apparent.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century, (2000), p. 13

“Mussolini insisted that Fascism was the only form of ‘socialism’ appropriate to the ‘proletarian nations’ of the twentieth century.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time, (1999), p. 191 (footnote 26).

“Fascism's most direct ideological inspiration came from the collateral influence of Italy's most radical 'subversives'.”

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A. James Gregor

The Marxists of revolutionary syndicalism p. 130
The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century, (2000)

“Mussolini's revolutionary nationalism, while it distinguished itself from the traditional patriotism and nationalism of the bourgeoisie, displayed many of those features we today identify with the nationalism of underdeveloped peoples. It was an anticonservative nationalism that anticipated vast social changes; it was directed against both foreign and domestic oppressors; it conjured up an image of a renewed and regenerated nation that would perform a historical mission; it invoked a moral ideal of selfless sacrifice and commitment in the service of collective goals; and it recalled ancient glories and anticipated a shared and greater glory.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: Young Mussolini and the Intellectual Origins of Fascism, (1979), p. 99

“What should be recognized at this point is the fact that Mussolini, whatever else he was, was a collectivist, who conceived human beings as social animals. He had learned that man was a communal being from Marx.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: Giovanni Gentile: Philosopher of Fascism, (2001), p. 55

“Should one choose to seek out today’s fascism, one is counseled to look to the retrograde former Soviet Union, and the reformist People’s Republic of China. They are the natural hosts of a ‘resurgence’ of fascism.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: Giovanni Gentile: Philosopher of Fascism, (2001), p. xii

“Fascism itself was a variant of Sorelian syndicalism which advertized itself as voluntaristic, neo-idealist and elitist socialism. This current of socialist thought neither Fascism nor Gentile ever rejected. ‘Fascism,’ Gentile insisted, ‘as a consequence of its Marxian and Sorelian patrimony... conjoined with the influence of contemporary Italian idealism, through which Fascist thought attained maturity, conceives philosophy as praxis.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarianism, (1969), p. 317

“Thus, by 1925, both Leninism and Fascism, variants of Marxism, had created political and economic systems that shared singular properties… Both sought order and disciple of entire populations in the service of an exclusivistic party and an ideology that found its origins in classical Marxism… Both created a kind of ‘state capitalism,’ informed by a unitary party, and responsible to a ‘charismatics’ leader.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: Marxism, Fascism & Totalitarianism: Chapters in the Intellectual History of Radicalism, (2008), p. 293

“Every element of Fascist doctrine can be traced to the belief system of revolutionary national syndicalism as that syndicalism emerged from the First World War.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, (1979), p. 119

“While not a single Marxist ‘charismatic leader’ in the twentieth century made revolution in an advanced capitalist country (as Marx prescribed), or undertook the ‘withering away of the state’ (as both Marx and Engels insisted), or insured against the rule of elites (that both Marx and Engels identified as an essential of the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’), or provide for the obligatory ‘rotation in office’ (again, as both Marx and Engels insured would be a post-revolutionary feature of socialist society), or resolved the problem of human ‘alienation’ (so emphatically lamented by the young Marx)—Western academics have never hesitated to directly associate Marxism-Leninism, Maoism, Castroism, and even the barbarism of the Khmer Rouge, with the philosophy of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: Giovanni Gentile: Philosopher of Fascism, (2001), p. 80

“Mussolini himself, before he knew who would collect around the standards of the new Fascist Republican Party, committed himself to the realization of the original syndicalist and neo-idealist program of Fascism. His original intention was to call his new republic the Italian Socialist Republic—which nonetheless advertised itself as the vehicle of an Italian socialism, a national socialism.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarianism, (1969), p. 307

“As early as 1930, Fascist theoreticians had begun to speak of an internazionale fascista, a pan-fascist union of kindred have-not or proletarian, nations. By 1935, Fascist maintained that Fascism recognized that the ravages of war and depression in Europe could only be undone by international ‘antiplutocratic’ reconstruction and argued, as a consequence, that Fascism was to be both ‘patriotic and international at the same time.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarianism, (1969), p. 356

“Stalin, in turn, transformed Marxism into a rationale for national socialism… Leon Trotsky was equally quick to condemn the advocacy of socialism in one country, a commitment which further eroded classical Marxism.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarianism, (1969), p. 359

“What distinguished Gentile’s Fascist rationale from that which came to characterize the legitimating rationale of Marxist-Leninism was Gentile’s identification of the nation—rather than the ‘proletariat’—as the community of destiny that would shape our time. For Gentile, proletarians represented only component elements of a larger organic community: the nation. In the modern world, only the nation could provide the material, intellectual, political, and moral environment in which the individual might find fulfillment.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time, (1999), p. 100

“[Italian] Fascism was a variant of classical Marxism, a believe system that pressed some themes argued by both Marx and Engels until they found expression in the form of ‘national syndicalism’ that was to animate the first Fascism.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: Young Mussolini and the Intellectual Origins of Fascism, (1979), p. xi

“It can be said, in a qualified sense, that Gentile entertained considerable sympathy for the neo-Hegelian Marxist intellectual tradition.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time, (1999), p. 93

“Thus, though the Fascist conception of property refused to countenance collective possession as such, individual ownership rights were understood to be strictly subordinate to collective discipline. It was not the individual ownership of property that concerned Fascists, but it subordination to collective control. Property was understood to perform social functions rather than to manifest individual rights. It was clear that the conception of property as a social function was broad enough to include socialization of the means of production, should that be required by the national interests as interpreted by the state.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarianism, (1969), p. 305

“By the 1990s, it was no longer possible to speak, with any intellectual integrity, of a Soviet Union of Stalin as having been informed by a ‘proletarian’ economic system, or possessed of a ‘working-class’ government. No more credence is invested in the Stalinist, Maoist, or Castro ‘proletarian state’ than was invested in the ‘proletarian’ character of the ‘German National Socialist Workers’ Party’ or the ‘Fascist State of Labor.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century, (2000), p. 6

“It was only in November, 1933, that Mussolini became convinced that the crisis that had beset capitalism for four years was not a crisis within the system, but a crisis of the system. It was on this occasion that he spoke of ‘the complete organic and totalitarian regulation of production’ a ‘regulated’ and ‘controlled; economy—a ‘burial’ of capitalism.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarianism, (1969), p. 294

“By the end of the 1920s and the beginning of the 1930s, Stalin had created a regime that had abandoned every principle that had presumably typified left-wing aspirations and had given himself over to notions of ‘socialism in one country’ — with all the attendant attributes: nationalism, the leadership principle, anti-liberalism, anti-individualism, communitarianism, hierarchical rule, missionary zeal, the employment of violence to assure national purpose, and anti-Semitism — making the Soviet Union unmistakenly ‘a cousin to the German National Socialism.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century, (2000), pp. 4-5

“By the end of the 1960's, Soviet theoreticians were prepared to argue that the 'Chinese leadership' had transformed itself into an ‘anti-Marxist, anti-socialist, chauvinistic and anti-Soviet… bourgeois-nationalistic’ movement of reaction… In their account, Soviet thinkers had recourse to the same list of descriptive traits that Western academics had employed for some considerable time to identify fascist political and social systems.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century, (2000), p. 71

“Given these evolving notions, it would seem that communism, like fascism—however counterintuitive the idea might be—was a right-wing revolutionary movement. As a consequence, we are now counselled that ‘perhaps we have tended to misjudge the communist elites of yesterday and failed to notice their latent nationalism all along.’ And perhaps we never really appreciated the hierarchical character of communist systems, or the role played in the various regimes by the Vozhd or the Chairman, the Dear Leader or the Lider Massimo.”

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A. James Gregor

The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century, (2000)

“The first Fascists were almost all Marxists—serious theorists who had long been identified with Italy’s intelligentsia of the Left.”

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A. James Gregor

p 20
The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century, (2000)

“The fact remains that if ‘right-wing extremism’ telescopes into ‘fascism,’ then it appears the Josef Stalin’s Soviet Union was not only fascist, it was an instantial case of right-wing extremism.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century, (2000), p. 6

“The individual was the state, and the state was Italy, and Italy was Fascism, and Mussolini was all of them. Such a series of substitutions constitutes the sustaining logic of charismatic totalitarian socialism.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarianism, (1969), p. 326

“Where mass-mobilizing ‘revolutionary Marxists’ have come to power, and remained in power sufficiently long to create a viable political system, what they have generally succeeded in creating is a reasonable analogue of the Fascist state.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Fascist Persuasion in Radical Politics, (1974), p. 134

“Fascist social welfare legislation compared favorably with the more advanced European nations and in some respect was more progressive.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, (1979), p. 263

“By the time of its disappearance at the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, it was no longer plausible to argue that the Soviet Union offered a clear alternative to the ‘right-wing extremism’ of fascism. In fact, it was no longer clear what ‘right-wing’ or ‘left-wing’ might be taken to mean in terms of the major revolutions of the twentieth century.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century, (2000), p. 6

“In a nonspecific sense, one might say that almost all the other antiliberal, reactive nationalist and developmental revolutions in our century were deviant forms of paradigmatic Fascism—the more deviant, the more destructive.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time, (1999), p. 184

“Fascism never served the interests of Italian business... there is no credible evidence that Fascism controlled the nation's economy for the benefit of the 'possessing classes.”

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A. James Gregor

Fonte: The Search for Neofascism: The Use and Abuse of Social Science, (2006), p. 7

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